Cover Story Issue: 26 March 2005
Church of martyrs
Anthony Browne=

For most citizens of Iraq, the invasion meant the end of tyranny. For one group, however, it meant a new start: the country’s historic Christian community. When the war stopped, persecution by Islamists, he= ld in check by Saddam, started.

At a church in Basra I visited a month after the war ended, the women complained of attacks against them for not wearing the Islamic veil. I = saw many Christian-owned shops that had been firebombed, with many of the owners killed for exercising their legal right to sell alcohol. Two yea= rs and many church attacks later, Iraq may still be occupied by Christian foreign powers, but the Islamist plan to ethnically cleanse Iraq of its nearly 2,000-year-old Assyrian and Armenian Christian communities is reaching fruition.

There is nothing unusual about the persecution of Iraqi Christians, = or the unwillingness of other Christians to help them. Rising nationalism = and fundamentalism around the world have meant that Christianity is going b= ack to its roots as the religion of the persecuted. There are now more than= 300 million Christians who are either threatened with violence or legally discriminated against simply because of their faith — more than a= ny other religion. Christians are no longer, as far as I am aware, thrown = to the lions. But from China, North Korea and Malaysia, through India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, they are subjected to legalised discrimination, viol= ence, imprisonment, relocation and forced conversion. Even in supposedly Christian Europe, Christianity has become the most mocked religion, its followers treated with public suspicion and derision and sometimes R= 12; such as the would-be EU commissioner Rocco Buttigl= ione — hounded out of political office.

I am no Christian, but rather a godless atheist whose soul doesnR= 17;t want to be saved, thank you. I may not believe in the man with the white beard, but I do believe that all persecution is wrong. The trouble is t= hat the trendies who normally champion human ri= ghts seem to think persecution is fine, so long as it’s only against Christians. While Muslims openly help other Muslims, Christians helping Christians has become as taboo as jingoistic nationalism.

On the face of it, the idea of Christians facing serious persecution seems as far-fetched as a carpenter saving humanity. Christianity is the world’s most followed religion, with two billion believers, and by far its most powerful. It is the most popular faith in six of the seven continents, and in both of the world’s = two biggest economies, the US and Europe. Seven of the G8 richest industrial nations are majority Christian, as are four out of five permanent membe= rs of the UN Security Council. The cheek-turners control the vast majority= of the world’s weapons of mass destruction.

When I bumped into George Bush in the breakfast room of the US embas= sy in Brussels last month, standing right behind me were two men in uniform carrying the little black ‘nuclear football’, containing the codes to enable the world’s most powerful Christian to unleash the world’s most powerful nuclear arsenal. Christians claiming persecution seem as credible as Bill Gates pleading poverty. But just as Christian-majority armies control Iraq as it ethnically cleanses itself= of its Christian community, so the power of Christian countries is of litt= le help to the Christian persecuted where most Christians now live: the Th= ird World.

Across the Islamic world, Christians are systematically discriminated against and persecuted. Saudi Arabia — the global fountain of religious bigotry — bans churches, public Christian worship, the Bible and the sale of Christmas cards, and stops non-Muslims from enter= ing Mecca. Christians are regularly imprisoned and tortured on trumped-up charges of drinking, blaspheming or Bible-bashing, as some British citi= zens have found. Just last month, furthermore, Saudi Arabia announced that o= nly Muslims can become citizens.

The Copts of Egypt make up half the Christians in the Middle East, t= he cradle of Christianity. They inhabited the land before the Islamic conquest, and still make up a fifth of the population. By law they are banned from being president of the Islamic Republic of Egypt or attendi= ng Al Azhar University, and severely restricted f= rom joining the police and army. By practice they are banned from holding a= ny high political or commercial position. Under the 19th-century Hamayouni decrees, Copts must get permission from= the president to build or repair churches — but he usually refuses. Mosques face no such controls.

Government-controlled TV broadcasts anti-Copt propaganda, while givi= ng no airtime to Copts. It is illegal for Muslims to convert to Christiani= ty, but legal for Christians to convert to Islam. Christian girls — a= nd even the wives of Christian priests — are abducted and forcibly converted to Islam, recently prompting mass demonstrations. A report by Freedom House in Washington concludes: ‘The cumulative effect of these threats creates an atmosphere of persecution and raises fears that during the 21st century the Copts may have a vastly diminished presence= in their homelands.’

Fr Drew Christiansen, an adviser to the US Conference of Bishops, recently conducted a study which stated that ‘all over the Middle East, Christians are under pressure. “The cradle of Christianity” is under enormous pressure from demographic decline, the growth of Islamic militancy, official and unofficial discrimination= , the Iraq war, the Palestinian Intifada, failed peace policies and political manipulation.’

In the world’s most economically successful Muslim nation, Malaysia, the world’s only deliberate affirmative action programme for a majority population ensures that Muslims are given better access to jobs, housing and education. In the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, some 10,000 Christians have been killed in the last few years by Muslims trying to = Islamify the Moluccas= .

In the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, most of the five million Christ= ians live as an underclass, doing work such as toilet-cleaning. Under the Hudood ordinances, a Muslim can testify against a non-Muslim in court, but a non-Muslim cannot testify against a Muslim. Blasphemy laws are abused to persecute Christians. In the last few year= s, dozens of Christians have been killed in bomb and gun attacks on church= es and Christian schools.

In Nigeria, 12 states have introduced Sharia law, which affects Christians as much as Muslims. Christian girls are forced to wear the Islamic veil at school, and Christians are banned fr= om drinking alcohol. Thousands of Christians have been killed in the last = few years in the ensuing violence.

Although persecution of Christians is greatest in Muslim countries, = it happens in countries of all religions and none. In Buddhist-majority Sri Lanka, religious tension led to 44 churches being attacked in the first four months of 2004, with 140 churches being forced to close because of= intimidation. In India, the rise of Hindu nationalism has lead to persecution not jus= t of Muslims but of Christians. There have been hundreds of attacks against = the Christian community, which has been in India since ad 100. The government’s affirmative action programme for untouchables guarantees jobs and loans for poor Hindus and Buddhist= s, but not for Christians.

Last year in China, which has about 70 million Christians, more than= 100 ‘house churches’ were closed down, and dozens of priests imprisoned. If you join the Communist party, you get special privileges, but you can only join if you are atheist. In North Korea, Christians are persecuted as anti-communist elements, and dissidents claim they are not just imprisoned but used in chemical warfare experiments.

Dr Patrick Sookhdeo, director of the Bar= nabas Trust, which helps persecuted Christians, blames rising global religious tension. ‘More and more Christians are seen as the odd ones out — they are seen as transplants from the West, and not really trus= ted. It is getting very much worse.’

Even in what was, before multiculturalism, known as Christendom, Christians are persecuted. I have spoken to dozens of former Muslims who have converted to Christianity in Britain, and who are shunned by their community, subjected to mob violence, forced out of town, threatened wi= th death and even kidnapped. The Barnabas Trust knows of 3,000 such Christ= ians facing persecution in this country, but the police and government do nothing.

You get the gist. Dr Paul Marshall, senior fellow at the Centre for Religious Freedom in Washington, estimates that there are 200 million Christians who face violence because of their faith, and 350 million who face legally sanctioned discrimination in terms of access to jobs and housing. The World Evangelical Alliance wrote in a report to the UN Hum= an Rights Commission last year that Christians are ‘the largest sing= le group in the world which is being denied human rights on the basis of t= heir faith’.

Part of the problem is old-style racism against non-whites; part of = it is new-style guilt. If all this were happening to the world’s Sik= hs or Muslims simply because of their faith, you can be sure it would lead= the 10 O’Clock News and the front page of= the Guardian on a regular basis. But the BBC, despite being mainly funded by Christians, is an organisation that promotes ridicule of the Bible, while banning criticism of the Koran. Dr Marshall said: ‘Christians are seen as Europeans and Americans, which means you get a lack of sympathy which you would not get if they were Tibetan Buddhists.’

Christians themselves are partly to blame for all this. Some get a masochistic kick out of being persecuted, believing it brings them clos= er to Jesus, crucified for His beliefs. Christianity uniquely defines itse= lf by its persecution, and its forgiveness of its persecutors: the Christi= an symbol is the method of execution of its founder. Christianity was a persecuted religion for its first three centuries, until Emperor Constantine decided that worshipping Jesus was better for winning battl= es than worshipping the sun. In contrast, Mohammed was a soldier and ruler= who led his people into victorious battle against their enemies. In the hun= dred years after the death of Mohammed, Islam conquered and converted most o= f North Africa and the Middle East in the most remarkable religious expansion in history.

To this day, while Muslims stick up for their co-religionists, Christians — beyond a few charities — have given up such fo= rms of discrimination. Dr Sookhdeo said: ‘= ;The Muslims have an Ummah [the worldwide Muslim communi= ty] whereas Christians do not have Christendom. There is no Christian count= ry that says, “We are Christian and we will help Christians.”’

As a liberal democrat atheist, I believe all persecuted people shoul= d be helped equally, irrespective of their religion. But the guilt-ridden We= st is ignoring people because of their religion. If non-Christians like me= can sense the nonsense, how does it make Christians feel? And how are they going to react? The Christophobes worried a= bout rising Christian fundamentalism in Britain should understand that it is= a reaction to our double standards. And as long as our double standards exist, Christian fundamentalism will grow.

Anthony Browne is Europe correspondent of the Times.

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